FJSB+plus http://forschungsjournal.de/fjsb-plus DAS ONLINE-SUPPLEMENT DES FORSCHUNGSJOURNALS FORSCHUNGSJOURNAL SOZIALE BEWEGUNGEN 29. JG. 4 ǀ 2016 Making the connections between the academy and social movements Jim Crowther and Eurig Scandrett Introduction The extraordinary and dramatic changes in the occur the needs and opportunities have to be political landscape of Scotland in the years understood dialectically in relation to the con- following political devolution in 1999, and flicts and contradictions embedded in the wid- more particularly before and after the Scottish er context. In such situations the role of the Independence Referendum in 2014 illustrate educator is not to impose an ideological analy- the role in which social movement action con- sis or value system on learners, but to help tinues to shape social and political change, and make explicit the nature of the contradictions educational possibilities. In this article we want and the actions that can be taken individually to highlight the nature of this conjuncture and and collectively to address them. In Gramscian why it is encouraging in terms of making con- (1981) terms these conflicts and contradictions nections between the academy and radical provide space for a ‘war of position’ in which intellectual work. We do not want to prioritise counter-hegemonic struggles can be devel- ‘optimism of the will’ over ‘pessimism of the oped. As Gelpi acknowledged ‘in every society intellect’ but what is required, for sure, is de- there is some degree of autonomy for educa- termination to make hope possible and realis- tional action, some possibility for political con- tic. We illustrate our argument by referring to frontation, and at the same time an interrela- work that we are respectively involved in on tion between the two’ (Gelpi 1979: 11). the subjects of learning for democracy and In our view the significance of engaging in sup- against gender violence. We will present these porting and developing learning opportunities examples after locating our work theoretically in the contradictions people experience are and in the context of the significant changes in that such contexts provide micro, meso and the marketization and funding of higher educa- macro educative experiences that can be capi- tion. talised on. By the micro we mean the self and Theorising our practice group directed learning stimulated by issues which animate people individually and several- We draw on social movement learning theory ly. By the meso level we mean the opportuni- and in particular on the work of Ettore Gelpi to ties that critical educational encounters gener- position ourselves and our reading of the cur- ate for reframing the experiences that people rent context for radical work (see Scandrett et reflect on by making connections between al. 2010). One of the central thrusts of Gelpi’s ‘personal troubles’ and ‘public issues’ (in C. analysis of lifelong education was that learning Wright Mills’ terms). At the macro level educa- needs and educational opportunities occur in tional action becomes a counter-hegemonic diverse contexts inside and outside education- project as contradictions in addressing public al institutions. In particular, wherever these FJSBplus ǀ FORSCHUNGSJOURNAL SOZIALE BEWEGUNGEN 29. JG. 4 ǀ 2016 2 issues through conventional channels are ex- domiciled undergraduate students was rein- perienced and become visible through the troduced. Moreover, the rhetoric informing curriculum for analysis, and in turn become this policy change played on the commitment part of a context to act in and against. In other to social mobility based on academic ability, words, the macro level involves questioning rather than the ability to pay, and on the bene- the canopy of assumptions which inform eve- fits of HE to society as well as the economy. ryday assumptions and practices. These broadly meritocratic and social demo- cratic arguments resonated with a useful egali- What is critically significant from the above is tarian myth that Scottish education is more the need to develop the curriculum of struggle inclusive, accessible and generalist compared from the inherent features of the contradic- to its southern neighbour. Subsequently, the tions themselves. The struggle for democracy SNP Government initiated a review of the fu- in Scotland and the struggle for gender equali- ture of Scottish HE and established a commis- ty are two particularly pertinent examples of sion into HE governance, with a view to making contradictions that provide both motivation for university management more open and demo- learning and generative themes that can gal- cratic. vanise different types of social and political action that have micro, meso and macro edu- Despite the divergence in policy and rhetoric, cational dimensions. Academics in the acade- the market and globalizing forces affecting my, interested in such issues, need to make universities in Scotland are very similar to the opportunity to engage in communities those experienced elsewhere in the UK and outside its walls in order to generate opportu- beyond. Academics are under pressure to nities for radical curriculum development for teach more and to publish more in the aca- social justice. We emphasise the importance of demic market environment. This has resulted making the opportunities because this is part in competition for scare research funding and, of the academic task. We need to be thinking in the UK, a metric based system of research dialectically in that there are contradictions in assessment quality through the so-called Re- the academy which constrain and open up search Excellence Framework (REF), a system possibilities for practice. which applies also to Scottish universities. There is also competition for undergraduate Higher Education (HE): the Scottish context students from the rest of the UK, who pay fees There are important variations between Higher in Scotland, and international students who Education policy within the UK. Scottish Higher pay much higher tuition fees, primarily at Education has always had a degree of autono- postgraduate level, who are seen as a lucrative my which is constantly in tension with the in- source of income. The twin pressures of stu- fluence of its larger neighbour in the UK, Eng- dent fees and research competition, amongst land. George Davie (1961) famously critiqued others, make the job of the academic geared the loss of what he called the ‘democratic in- more towards generating income rather than tellect’ in Scottish Universities as they became addressing social justice. However, there are closer to the professional specialisms of Eng- contradictory forces also at play that generate land. In more recent times, Scotland has di- spaces for academics to commit to communi- verged significantly from the rest of the UK in ties of endurance and struggle outside the relation to undergraduate tuition fees. Tuition academy. Social impact is one criterion used in fees were introduced in the UK by Tony Blair’s REF assessments and this can be used critically ‘New Labour’ administration in 1998. However, and creatively to legitimate a range of work. when the Scottish National Party (SNP) formed Social impact can include hard economic indi- a minority government in Scotland 2007, fees cators such as ‘start-up’ companies but they for undergraduates were abolished and state can also refer to engagement in communities funding for Scottish (and European Union) with a wider range of social, environmental FJSBplus ǀ FORSCHUNGSJOURNAL SOZIALE BEWEGUNGEN 29. JG. 4 ǀ 2016 3 and political interests. At the same time, an ponent of feminist activism, especially since emphasis on ‘widening participation’ ensures the second wave movement in the 1960s and that some pedagogical work with people in- 70s focused attention on the politics of per- volved with community and social movement sonal lives and intimate relationships. Refuges activism is legitimated. In some respects, being for women fleeing domestic violence were an located on the academic margins of the uni- important source of praxis for the movement versity such as in adult and community educa- (Dobash/Dobash 1992). Such refuges not only tion provides opportunities to engage outside provided protection from violence and practi- the university in line with the need for social cal welfare support – and in many cases saved impact, i.e. to publish in less prestigious but lives – they also became a source of feminist more critical journals and pursue small self- knowledge generation and exposed the role funded research projects rather than to pub- which domestic abuse plays in the ‘continuum lish in mainstream journals or obtain major of violence’ against women (Kelly 1988), the research grants reproduction and policing of patriarchal social relations, the gendered division of labour and Two examples we discuss below refer to such the commodification of women’s sexuality opportunities. The first involves the work of (Jeffreys 2008, Dines et al. 1998, Scandrett in developing links with agencies and Whisnant/Stark 2004, Stark 2009). organisations outside the Academy to chal- lenge gender violence. The second refers to In the UK, Women’s Aid emerged as the organ- the work of Crowther in relation to exploiting isational leader of the refuge movement and of the democratic possibilities in the current Scot- feminist politics, a social movement organisa- tish context. tion with roots in the lived experience of wom- en escaping domestic violence and other forms Gender Justice, Masculinities and Violence of abuse. In Scotland, local Women’s Aid The history of the establishment of a course on groups established Scottish Women’s Aid Gender Justice, Masculinities and Violence at (SWA) as an umbrella and facilitative organisa- Queen Margaret University is testament to the tion to support the local refuge-based action role of social movements in developing educa- and to take forward the campaigning priorities tional provision as a means to address social and other emergent policy issues of the issues. Queen Margaret University itself is a movement. Along with other parts of the fem- product of the women’s movement’s cam- inist movement in Scotland, SWA succeeded in paign for access to education for women in the ensuring that a gendered understanding of late nineteenth century. Feminist activists Flo- domestic violence, and the connection be- ra Stevenson and Christian Guthrie Wright tween tackling domestic abuse, violence established the Edinburgh School of Cookery against women and gender inequality, was and Domestic Economy in 1875 to provide reflected in Scottish Government policy. The access to the skills and knowledge needed by Scottish Government established a ‘National working class women in Edinburgh to access Training Strategy to Address Violence Against the principal source of employment: domestic Women’ with a role of facilitating education service. By iteration and expansion, the Edin- and training on violence against women in burgh School of Cookery became Queen Mar- Scotland, based in SWA. One of the platforms garet University in 2007 (Begg 1994). for education was the provision of accredited higher education. The women’s movement of the 20th century made considerable progress in making the The collaboration between the training forum, private politics of the domestic sphere into a SWA and QMU led to a module Gender Justice, matter of public policy. The struggle against Masculinities and Violence, accessible by activ- violence against women has been a core com- ists, volunteers and professionals working in FJSBplus ǀ FORSCHUNGSJOURNAL SOZIALE BEWEGUNGEN 29. JG. 4 ǀ 2016 4 the field of gender and violence, and also as an market relations into all aspects of social life option for honours year full time students of (Cox/Nilsen 2014). psychology and sociology. The module is Learning for democracy in Scotland taught by educators from SWA as well as QMU staff. The style of pedagogy facilitated a dialog- Scotland has been at the centre of widespread ical curriculum based on the experience of international interest over the past few years SWA and others working in the field; the aca- particularly in relation to the referendum on demic literature; and the personal gendered Scottish independence that took place in Sep- experience of patriarchal social relations of tember 2014. For decades, Scotland has expe- both external activists and full time students rienced a rise in ‘civic nationalism’: a renais- (Orr et al 2013). sance in popular culture and identity and a political indignation against the democratic The curriculum is explicitly framed as a ‘war of deficit from being united with the considerably position’, a contribution to shifting meanings in larger (and, in recent times, politically con- the performance of gender in both private and servative) England. However, the conversion of public space. Outcomes have included changes civic nationalism into political independence to midwifery practices in relation to Female was limited. One of the reasons why the UK Genital Mutilation and the provision of materi- government agreed to the independence ref- als at Edinburgh clubs to combat sexual har- erendum in the first place was based on the assment. Moreover, the curriculum provides visible lack of support for the case for seces- an opportunity to connect between gendered sion in the years preceding it. Scottish inde- violence and capitalist politics, by focusing on pendence was central to the policy of the SNP such contested areas of feminist critique as since its foundation; however, it was an argu- prostitution, trafficking, the feminisation of ment that failed to have popular appeal in the migration, pornography, the beauty industry years preceding the referendum with only and other forms of commercial sexual exploita- around 20 % of voters supporting it (Devine tion. The meteoric rise in these practices asso- 2016). By September 2014 this had increased ciated with the large-scale investment of capi- dramatically to 45 % – insufficient to achieve tal provides for a critique of the political econ- independence but a massive shock to the un- omy of gendered violence and a dialogue be- ionist case for a United Kingdom. In the final tween class struggle and the politics of the stages of the referendum campaign, the union- women’s movement. ist parties (an unholy alliance of Right and Left Here is an area of contestation within the wing parties) resorted to barely hidden fear women’s movement. For example, the issue of tactics and bribery. Why should so many peo- prostitution / sex work is a focus of intense ple wish to leave one of the world’s most suc- debate within the movement, with sex work- cessful economic unions? Moreover, after the ers’ unions claiming feminist legitimacy in de- historic vote something equally dramatic hap- manding workers’ rights and protection for pened. The Scottish Labour Party, which had prostitutes, whilst critical feminists mobilise ruled Scotland politically for at least four dec- against prostitution as gendered violence and ades and more, were almost wiped out politi- for supporting prostituted women to leave the cally in the 2015 UK general election profession. Whilst often played out in meso- How can we explain such political changes level narratives of militant particularism of underway and what opportunities do they feminists and prostitutes’ unions, such points present for radical educational practice? Is the of contestation provide the opportunity to voting evidence simply an example of more shift to a macro-level counter-hegemonic insular and regressive forms of nationalism struggle against the interface of patriarchal emerging as a way of dealing with wider global social relations and neoliberal penetration of economic changes? In other words, does it FJSBplus ǀ FORSCHUNGSJOURNAL SOZIALE BEWEGUNGEN 29. JG. 4 ǀ 2016 5 amount to a ‘burying your head in the sand’ The political popularity for independence had approach to economic meltdown, a hostile little to do with Scottish identity or narrow- political environment and a small country with minded nationalism – indeed, ‘my country little power to change things? right or wrong’-nationalism was expressed considerably more amongst the UK patriots The interrelated events leading up to the Scot- than the Scots. It was clearly linked to the rise tish referendum and the arguments for inde- of the SNP as a credible political alternative in pendence are complex and only a schematic Scotland but, in addition, it also went well be- analysis can be presented here. In a recent yond the SNP. The campaign for independence publication from an influential Scottish histori- was spearheaded by the SNP along with the an, Tom Devine (2016), he makes four points smaller, left wing parties: Greens and Social- that help to explain the closeness of the refer- ists, whose parliamentary representation had endum result. Firstly, the growth of an authori- declined as the SNP’s grew. Once the question tarian model of intervention in Scottish affairs, of Scottish independence was put a wide range witnessed since 1979 with Thatcherite neolib- of social and political movements in civil socie- eralism, transformed the ‘hands off’ unionism ty and communities generated their own self- that characterised the UK-Scottish relationship educational opportunities to think through the which had lasted for over 300 years. Secondly, case for independence and to imagine their the onset of deindustrialisation during this era, vision for what their country might be. The particularly in coal, steel and manufacturing, location of these groups outside the official had a significant impact on the social base of media of politics – political parties, television the traditional working class heartlands of and national press – meant there was a much Scotland. Thirdly, devolution in Scotland which wider political agenda than the mainstream was introduced by the new Labour Blair gov- one. The Radical Independence Campaign, ernment, in 1999, created an electoral oppor- Women for Independence, Scots Asians for tunity for the SNP. The system of proportional Independence, Africans for an Independent representation enabled small parties to capi- Scotland, Commonweal, and hundreds of other talise on it through parliamentary representa- groups of all sorts of ideological persuasion tion. The unthinkable then happened in 2007 began to discuss the possibility of fresh alter- when the SNP actually won minority control of natives to the dominant system of politics. The the government and in 2011 achieved an out- sum total of initiatives ‘kick started’ participa- right majority. What made the party popular tion in political thinking with family, friends, was its capacity to provide ‘social democratic’ neighbours and strangers, online and offline, in benefits: free university tuition for undergrad- educational settings, in streets, in restaurants, uate students, free health care for the elderly buses and workplaces and wherever people and a commitment to the National Health Ser- could. The franchise was extended to 16 and vice which, in the rest of the UK, was rapidly 17 year olds, and voter registration initiatives going in the direction of marketised services. engaged the most disenfranchised amongst Fourthly, along with preserving these valued the unemployed and homeless. Of course the institutions and policies was an aura of compe- quality and range of debate would vary. The tence and ability which previous administra- important point is that it was creating a pro- tions seemed to lack. The SNP seemed to be cess of open and inclusive participation in po- able to produce more with fewer resources litical thinking; who knows where it might available to them. In Gramscian terms, the stop? If the nationalist or unionist political case for the union was experiencing a long- agenda had started the arguments they could term organic crisis which has been averted, at not control their direction and implications. least for the moment. We are not making the claim that there was a large, coherent, popular rejection of neoliber- FJSBplus ǀ FORSCHUNGSJOURNAL SOZIALE BEWEGUNGEN 29. JG. 4 ǀ 2016 6 alism which suddenly emerged and provided this. Political education can merely be about an alternative base for radical learning and socialising people into the dominant system education. The process was as important as and there are plenty of examples of citizenship the issues themselves in that people were en- education which fit this description. The af- gaged in talking politics and thinking politically. termath of the referendum is still being fought, The significant outcome is that the Referen- with horse-trading amongst political parties dum generated an appetite for political think- replacing the vibrancy of popular debate. Polit- ing which all previous periods of Scottish poli- ical education can, nevertheless, create spaces tics, possibility since 1945, had channelled into for a more open and participatory politics and political parties and media elites. Political for learning opportunities that reflect the spirit thinking for a time was ‘in the streets’; things of the current conjuncture. This is, we con- had changed. tend, a useful and radicalising contribution to be made to developing the possibilities of so- It is in this more open political context that the cial change at the micro and meso level. prospects for education and learning for de- mocracy have emerged. What is more there is The ‘back story’ to the above development – increasing interest amongst educators to en- the macro level – has to bring into the analysis gage with the political context in their work the contradictions generated by the structural because the changes that have affected the relations of capitalism in the context of globali- population generally are also ones that are sation and the experience of political equality shaping how educators are beginning to think that a more participatory politics created. Scott about their practice. It is difficult to say how and Mooney (2009) describe how the SNP widespread this is but there is certainly evi- government has achieved a narrative which dence of it underway. A series of three nation- combines social democratic rhetoric with ne- al events on Learning for Democracy has at- oliberal practice. Democracy and capitalism tracted many educators working in communi- are often in tension and in exploring this rela- ties, discussing and sharing ideas about how tionship new possibilities can emerge to coun- their work can contribute to a democratic ter the hegemonic liberal political framing agenda. Community education practitioners which separates politics from economics. analysed how their profession had changed However, there is nothing inevitable about from espousing a responsive approach to what unfolds. One possibility is that the politi- working in communities from ‘the bottom up’, cal process is ‘rescued’ by the political elite with a broad social justice interest, to one now who shape the narratives of choices around dominated by policy targets and the language their own party agendas. In other words, the of new public management (see Fraser 2015). space for politics and political thinking is closed down to run along a ‘politics as usual’ ap- These events were inspired and organised by proach i.e. one where most people are exclud- various adult educational agencies and the ed from debating the issues but are expected academy. They reflect a widespread interest to to legitimate them by voting. Another possibil- be engaging with communities in political ity, less likely perhaps but worth arguing for, is thinking and to bring to this an enthusiasm for that the process of engagement in politics grassroots politics. It is probably inconceivable continues and is furthered by educational work that this would have happened pre- with social movements for change as well as referendum to the same extent. It is more the with a wide variety of grassroots groups. If this overt sign of interest of communities in politics continues, the contradictions between political against the backdrop of wider political changes processes and economic ones, that is, demo- underway in the UK and Europe that have cratic participation in the former but not the been influencing events. Obviously there latter can become a question to debate. This needs to be caution in the claims made for involves shifting the ‘back story’ of capitalism FJSBplus ǀ FORSCHUNGSJOURNAL SOZIALE BEWEGUNGEN 29. JG. 4 ǀ 2016 7 to become the ‘front story’ as the dialectics of Dines, G., Jensen, R./Russo, A. 1998: Pornogra- democracy and capitalism have to be ad- phy: The Production and Consumption of Ine- dressed. It is the contradiction in this relation- quality New York: Routledge. ship which needs to be explored educationally Fraser, G. 2015: Community education in Scot- for new political possibilities to emerge. land, a Tale of Two Anniversaries: The Alexan- Conclusion der Report (1975) and the Birth of the Perfor- mance Indicator, Concept, vol 6 (3) Academics in the academy are unlikely to be http://concept.lib.ed.ac.uk/index.php/Concept the spearhead of progressive social and politi- /article/view/295. cal change but they can be part of the struggle Gelpi, E. 1979: The Future of Lifelong Educa- for a better world through their work inside tion, Manchester: University of Manchester and outside the academy, as the two examples Press. presented above demonstrate. The alternative is to be a bystander. To avoid this academics Gramsci, A. 1981: Prison Notebooks, London: Lawrence & Wishart. have to maximise their ‘relative autonomy’ in a difficult context. They have to seize the oppor- Jeffreys, S. 2008: The idea of prostitution. tunities to enable the wider public, particularly North Melbourne, Victoria: Spinifex Press. the oppressed and exploited in society, to be Kelly, L. 1988: Surviving Sexual Violence. Lon- able to benefit from resources of the academy don: Wiley. and intellect. We hope the examples we have provided of current work, from different uni- Orr, L., Scandrett, E./Whiting, N. 2013: ‘An versities, both resonate with the work of other educational approach to gender justice’. Con- academics in different contexts or provide cept Vol. 4 No. 1. some inspiration and insight into the possibili- Scandrett, E./Crowther, J./Hemmi, ties of building alliances for progressive social A./Mukherjee, S./Shah, D./Sen. T. 2010: ‘Theo- change. rising education and learning in social move- ments: environmental justice campaigns in Jim Crowther is Senior Lecturer in Community Scotland and India’, In: Studies in the Educa- Education at the Moray House School of Edu- tion of Adults, vol 42 (2), 124-140. cation at the University of Edinburgh. contact: jim.crowther@ed.ac.uk. Scott, G./Mooney, G. 2009: Poverty and Social Justice in the Devolved Scotland: Neoliberalism Eurig Scandrett is Senior Lecturer in Sociology Meets Social Democracy? In: Social Policy & and programme leader in Public Sociology at Society 8:3, 379–389. Queen Margaret University in Edinburgh. Stark, E. 2009: Coercive Control: how men Contact: escandrett@qmu.ac.uk entrap women in personal life. Oxford: Oxford University Press. References Whisnant, R./Stark, C. 2004: Not for sale: femi- Begg, T. 1994: The Excellent Women. Edin- nists resisting prostitution and pornography. burgh: John Donald Publishers. North Melbourne, Victoria: Spinifex Press. Cox, L./Nilsen, A.G. 2014: We make our own history: Marxism and Social Movements in the Twilight of Neoliberalism. London: Pluto Press. Davie, G. 1961: The Democratic Intellect, Edin- burgh: Edinburgh University Press. Devine, T. 2016: Independence or Union: Scot- land’s Past and Scotland’s Present, London: Allen and Unwin. FJSBplus ǀ FORSCHUNGSJOURNAL SOZIALE BEWEGUNGEN 29. JG. 4 ǀ 2016