Nursing

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White Cider Consumption and Heavy Drinkers: A Low-Cost Option but an Unknown Price
(Oxford Journals, 2014) Black, Heather; Michalova, L.; Gill, Jan; Rees, C.; Chick, Jonathan; O'May, Fiona; Rush, Robert; McPake, Barbara
Aims: To compare characteristics of heavy drinkers who do, or do not, drink white cider during their typical drinking week and to contrast white cider drinkers' behaviour with a similar group recruited in comparable settings 4 years previously. To consider if excessive white cider consumption poses a specific health risk. Methods: Cross-sectional survey of alcohol purchasing and consumption by heavy drinkers consuming white cider in Edinburgh and Glasgow during 2012; comparison of purchasing patterns within Edinburgh in 2008-2009 and 2012. Participants were 639 patients (in- and out-patient settings) with serious health problems linked to alcohol, 345 in Glasgow, 294 in Edinburgh in 2012, and 377 in Edinburgh in 2008-2009. Results: In 2012 white cider consumption was reported by 25% of participants (median consumption (all alcohol) was 249 UK units per week-1 UK unit being 8 g of ethanol). They were more likely to be male and younger. They drank more units of alcohol than non-white cider drinkers and reported more alcohol-related problems. The median price paid for white cider in 2012 was 17 ppu. The period 2008-2012 was associated with decreasing affordability of alcohol, but consumption levels amongst the heaviest drinkers were maintained, associated with an increased proportion of units purchased as white cider. Conclusion: White cider makes an important contribution to the weekly intake of heavy drinkers in Scotland, likely facilitated by low price per unit of alcohol. We suggest these characteristics permit this drink to act as a buffer, supporting the continuation of a heavy drinking pattern when affordability of alcohol falls.
Alcohol purchasing by ill heavy drinkers; cheap alcohol is no single commodity
(2015-09-26) Gill, Jan; Chick, J.; Black, H.; Rees, C.; O'May, Fiona; Rush, Robert; McPake, Barbara
Objectives: Potential strategies to address alcohol misuse remain contentious. We aim to characterise the drink purchases of one population group: heavy drinkers in contact with Scottish health services. We contrast our findings with national sales data and explore the impact of socio-economic status on purchasing behaviour. Study design: Cross-sectional study comparing alcohol purchasing and consumption by heavy drinkers in Edinburgh and Glasgow during 2012. Methods: 639 patients with serious health problems linked to alcohol (recruited within NHS hospital clinics (in- and out-patient settings) 345 in Glasgow, 294 in Edinburgh) responded to a questionnaire documenting demographic data and last week's or a 'typical' weekly consumption (type, brand, volume, price, place of purchase). Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation quintile was derived as proxy of sociodemographic status. Results: Median consumption was 184.8 (IQR = 162.2) UK units/week paying a mean of 39.7 pence per alcohol unit (0.397). Off-sales accounted for 95% of purchases with 85% of those <50 pence (0.5 UK) per alcohol unit. Corresponding figures for the Scottish population are 69% and 60%. The most popular low-priced drinks were white cider, beer and vodka with the most common off-sales outlet being the corner shop, despite supermarkets offering cheaper options. Consumption levels of the cheapest drink (white cider) were similar across all quintiles apart from the least deprived. Conclusions: Heavy drinkers from all quintiles purchase the majority of their drinks from off-sale settings seeking the cheapest drinks, often favouring local suppliers. While beer was popular, recent legislation impacting on the sale of multibuys may prevent the heaviest drinkers benefiting from the lower beer prices available in supermarkets. Non-etheless, drinkers were able to offset higher unit prices with cheaper drink types and maintain high levels of consumption. Whilst price is key, heavy drinkers are influenced by other factors and adapt their purchasing as necessary. 2015 The Authors.
Does a code make a difference - assessing the English code of practice on international recruitment
(BioMed Central, 2009-04-09) Buchan, James; McPake, Barbara; Mensah, Kwadwo; Rae, George
Background: This paper draws from research completed in 2007 to assess the effect of the Department of Health, England, Code of Practice for the international recruitment of health professionals. The Department of Health in England introduced a Code of Practice for international recruitment for National Health Service employers in 2001. The Code required National Health Service employers not to actively recruit from low-income countries, unless there was government-to-government agreement. The Code was updated in 2004. Methods: The paper examines trends in inflow of health professionals to the United Kingdom from other countries, using professional registration data and data on applications for work permits. The paper also provides more detailed information from two country case studies in Ghana and Kenya. Results: Available data show a considerable reduction in inflow of health professionals, from the peak years up to 2002 (for nurses) and 2004 (for doctors). There are multiple causes for this decline, including declining demand in the United Kingdom. In Ghana and Kenya itwas found that active recruitment was perceived to have reduced significantly from the United Kingdom, but it is not clear the extent to which the Code was influential in this, or whether other factors such as a lack of vacancies in the United Kingdom explains it. Conclusion: Active international recruitment of health professionals was an explicit policy intervention by the Department of Health in England, as one key element in achieving rapid staffing growth, particularly in the period 2000 to 2005, but the level of international recruitment has dropped significantly since early 2006. Regulatory and education changes in the United Kingdom in recent years have also made international entry more difficult. The potential to assess the effect of the Code in England is constrained by the limitations in available databases. This is a crucial lesson for those considering a global code: without a clear link between explicit objectives of a code, and relevant monitoring capacity, it is not possible to judge the actual impact of a code. A second message for policy-makers is that attempts to use a single country code in other countries where there are a multiplicity of independent, private-sector health care employers, or where there is a federated political and regulatory structure, will be a much more challenging and complex issue than in England, which has one major public sector health care employer and one national point of entry for regulated health professionals. Finally, there is a message about the importance of the visibility of any recruitment code - for policy-makers, employers and potential recruits. The Department of Health Code has a good level of recognition in the National Health Service, but would benefit from better dissemination in low-income countries, particularly in Africa, together with further consultation on the appropriateness of its provisions in specific countries. To achieve high visibility and recognition of any global code will be a much bigger challenge. 2009 Buchan et al; licensee BioMed Central Ltd.

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